They were elitist in the beginning and their challenge was articulated by the Non-Brahmin Manifesto issued at the end of 1916. 15 Sep 2021 . They began to raise the issue of caste discrimination and unequal opportunities in employment and representation in elected bodies. What is true of Government Service is equally true of local and other public bodies. New India's non-brahmin readers, many of whom were also in the Home Rule League, found the Non-Brahmin Manifesto objectionable for other reasons. Reservation is the core strategic approach adopted by the Dravidian Movement to ensure the proper dispensation of Social Justice to the enslaved masses. 3 0 obj Non-Brahmin Manifesto was issued by P.Kesava Pillai, member of the Legislative Council. Where an electorate is composed of a large number of Brahmins, the non-Brahmin Indian has hardly a chance., It nearly always happens that while the non-Brahmins do not concentrate upon a single candidate, Brahmin or non-Brahmin, the Brahmins nearly always unite and support their caste man, The Madras University, of which the majority of Indian Fellows, classified under the several Indian groups, are Brahmins, has never returned a non-Brahmin Indian, to the local Legislative Council, so much so that no non-Brahmin Indian, however well qualified otherwise, indulges in the hope of getting elected as member for the University in the Legislative Council, unless it be with the support of the European Fellows, At a meeting of the Madras Legislative Council, held in November 1914, in reply to an interpellation by the late Mr. Kunhi Raman Nayar, it was stated that the total number of registered graduates of the University was 650 of whom 452; were Brahmins, 12 non-Brahmin Hindus and 74 belonged to other communities, and that since 1907, when election of Fellows by registered graduates began, 12 Fellows were elected, of whom with one exception all were Brahmins. To quote one of the latest instances, of the 15 gentlemen elected from this presidency to represent it on the All India Congress Committee, with the exception of one solitary non-Brahmin Indian, all are practically Brahmins, and yet the decision of this committee, which is the executive of the Congress, upon matters of grave import, such as the revision of the Indian Constitution after the war, will be held up to the worlds admiring gaze as the considered. We are deeply devoted and loyally attached to British rule, for that rule, in spite of its many short-comings and occasional aberrations, is, in the main, just and sympathetic, We, indeed, hope that our rulers will, as their knowledge of the country expands, be more readily responsive to public feeling, when, of course, that feeling is clearly manifest and decidedly unambiguous, and that before they take any action they will examine the interests and wishes of each caste, class and community with more anxious care than heretofore and in a less conventional manner, When the spirit of social exclusiveness and the rigidity of class and caste begin to disappear, the progress towards self-government will unquestionably be more satisfactory, but, for the present, the practical politician has to concern himself with what lies immediately in front of him. A month later, on December 20, readers of The Hindu and of Besant's New India were treated to SIPA's 'Non-Brahmin Manifesto', which declared opposition to 'the . When I served as the Chief Justice of Punjab and Haryana High Court, I implemented the reservation policy for the first time in the appointment of Judges and other judiciary staff in those States. Non-Brahmin Manifesto was proclaimed by Sir Pitti.Theagarayar, narrating the social conditions of non-brahmins in the erstwhile Madras Presidency and the unreasonable monopoly of Brahmins in the education and employment areas. I was a member of Dravidar Kazhagam (DK) in 1948 and participated in many progressive agitations convened by DK. 0000032238 00000 n But the spirit in which, the method by which, and the persons by whom, it is at present worked cannot, all of them, commend themselves to the thinking and self-respecting section of the non-Brahmin public of this presidency, The social reactionary and the impatient political idealists, who seldom has his foot on solid earth, have now taken almost complete possession of the Congress. In the matter of education itself, the advantage is not all on the side of the Brahmin castes, Though rather late in the field, the non-Brahmin communities have begun to move, They now represent various stages of progress, Some of them, such as the Chetti, the Komati, the Mudaliar, the Naidu and the Nayar, have been making rapid progress; and even the least advanced, like those who are ahead of them, are manfully exerting themselves to come up to the standards of the new time, The spirit of educational progress is abroad, and it is a significant circumstance that among some of the non-Brahmin communities the development is more harmonious and less one-sided than among the Brahmins. We are not aware that neither before 1907, when a sort of election of a few Fellows by graduates of a certain number of years standing was allowed, nor since 1914, when the statement referred to was made in the Legislative Council, the graduates of the Madras University, of whom the majority have always been Brahmins, elected a non-Brahmin, as a Fellow of the University. The South Indian People's Association issued the Non-Brahmin Manifesto in December 1916, to define the attitude of the non Brahmin communities in the Madras Presidency towards the Home Rule Movement. trailer PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT WANTED AND NOT UNAUTHORIZED CONSTITUTION MAKING. As part of the yearlong celebrations of the Justice Party, the centenary commencement of Proclamation of Non-brahmin Manifesto (20th December 1916) was celebrated on 20th December 2015 at Periyar Thidal, Chennai. The Non-Brahmin Manifesto attacked injustice; the Justice Party sought a remedy by the earliest adoption of reservation and secularisation by law. Buddha Road The Inner Grammar Of Dissent Lives. - , - , - . 5ylWuP.%"W`K`o=e~]W0,,,,,,/1CN9s:ttwp: For, while it was true that the term non-Brahmin had been used occasionally since the late nineteenth century in the Madras Presidency, a manifesto a declarative modern form of announcing a political intent in the name of the non-Brahmin symbolized desires of a different order altogether. 0000032915 00000 n We are not aware that neither before 1907, when a sort of election of a few Fellows by graduates of a certain number of years standing was allowed, nor since 1914, when the statement referred to was made in the Legislative Council, the graduates of the Madras University, of whom the majority have always been Brahmins, elected a non-Brahmin, as a Fellow of the University. THE NON-BRAHMIN MANIFESTO (1916) At a Conference held in Madras or, the 20th November 1916 and attended by several non-Brahmin gentlemen of position and influence both in Madras and in the mofussil, it was resolved that measures be taken to start a company for publishing a newspaper advocating the cause of the non-Brahmin community, and also . Non Brahmin Manifesto may sound communal. Since the Executive, Council of H. E. the Governor has been opened to Indians, three Indian gentlemen have been admitted into it in succession, the two latter being Brahmin lawyers, Of the live Indian Judges of the High Court, four of them, i.e. The incident in Pune wherein a Brahmin employer filed a police complaintand the police filed a case under various lawsagainst her domestic help on the grounds that the latter misrepresented her caste highlighted the many levels of casteist prejudices even among the so-called 'caste-less' upper and middle classes. The classical account of the Brahmin priestly class and its role in Indian religion has seen remarkable continuity during the past two centuries. 0000010924 00000 n hWZt.of{qzM\ :M43P7*Y1hg{2":]/B,(~6Vzw@D~w6;WK ULR/Z~g>5|geBgv]^Yb2)BR%z[[s4IW5rqxTf7|gM^5d+W0,0NVoa]=l_ rlH0MHd0*1 0000005521 00000 n Prof. Dr.A.Ramaswamy, former Vice Chairman of Higher Education Council, Government of Tamil Nadu and President of Dravidian Historical Research Centre (DHRC) presided over the seminar. We are of those who think that in the truest and best interest of India, its Government should continue to be conducted on true British principles of justice and equality of opportunity. 0000020907 00000 n The two leaders often clashed at Council meetings even though both were non-Brahmins. When the non-brahmin manifesto was released for public debate and scrutiny in december 1916, Annie Beasant, editor of New India (NI) and patron saint of the Home rule movement denounced its contents and stated intentions in strident terms. She characterised the manifesto as "mischievous and unpatriotic" and claimed it had been authored by . Many Non-Brahmins were pained and surprised at the In defence of all this practical monopoly of political power and high government appointments which make for that power, it is pointed out that though the Brahmins are only a small fraction of the population of this presidency, they are far ahead of other communities in regard to university qualification. Nair. 0000025884 00000 n That was when Maraimalai Adikal (Swami Vethachalam) launched the pure Tamil movement against the use of Sanskrit words in Tamil. It is not necessary for our purpose to go into the details of this extravagant scheme, or into those of the other submitted to His Excellency the Viceroy by nineteen members of the Imperial Legislative Council, We are not in favour of any measure, which, in operation, is designed, or tends completely, to undermine the influence and authority of the British Rulers, who alone, in the present circumstances of India, are able to hold the scales even between creed and class, and to develop that sense of unity and national solidarity, without which India will continue to be a congeries of mutually exclusive and warring groups, without a common purpose and a common patriotism. At a Conference held in Madras or, the 20th November 1916 and attended by several non-Brahmin gentlemen of position and influence both in Madras and in the mofussil, it was resolved that measures be taken to start a company for publishing a newspaper advocating the cause of the non-Brahmin community, and also that apolitical association be formed to advance, safe-guard and protect the . Uncategorized. The Justice Party, officially the South Indian Liberal Federation, was a political party in the Madras Presidency of British India.It was established in 1916 by T. M. Nair and P. Theagaraya Chetty as a result of a series of non-Brahmin conferences and meetings in the presidency. But the spirit in which, the method by which, and the persons by whom, it is at present worked cannot, all of them, commend themselves to the thinking and self-respecting section of the non-Brahmin public of this presidency, The social reactionary and the impatient political idealists, who seldom has his foot on solid earth, have now taken almost complete possession of the Congress. In the Mysore State, where open competitive examinations for the Mysore Civil Service were held during the preceding 20 years, Brahmins secured 85 percent of the vacancies, In the competition for the appointment of Assistant Engineers in Madras, the number of successful candidates, during the same period, was; 17 Brahmins and four non-Brahmins. K.S. During my service in the higher judiciary, I delivered many judgments enabling dispensation of Social Justice through the means of reservation, as enshrined in the Indian Constitution. PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT WANTED AND NOT UNAUTHORIZED CONSTITUTION - MAKING. 0000028620 00000 n In December 1916, the Justice Party issued its non-Brahmin manifesto. We are of those who think that in the truest and best interest of India, its Government should continue to be conducted on true British principles of justice and equality of opportunity. Social Justice Reservation is vital for the uplift of the downtrodden who were oppressed socially for so many centuries. In spite of the singular solicitude, which for reasons not apparent, the Department of Education has been showing for the education of Brahmin girls and especially of Brahmin widows as if the Brahmins were IA backward class, the percentage of literates among the women of such non-Brahmin communities as the Nayars is higher than among the Brahmins. Sir Pitti Theagaraya Chetty KCSI (27 April 1852 - 28 April 1925) was an Indian lawyer, industrialist and a prominent political leader from the erstwhile Madras province. Depressed Classes Mission, Non-Brahmin movement and Justice Party One, of the earliest lower caste movements, which became the torch bearer for the future caste movements, was founded in Maharashtra in the 1870s by Jyotibha Phule, who with his books Gulamgiri (1872) and Sarvajanik Satyadharma Pustak and his organisation Satya Shodhak Samaj, proclaimed the need "to save the lower castes from . Important Solutions 2. Great and pressing is the task. position in the country and their respective numerical strength, should be given a more effective voice in the management of her affairs, that she should be given fiscal freedom and legislative autonomy in matters affecting her domestic policy and economic position, and that, lastly, she must be accorded a place in the Empire conducive to the sense of self respect of her children as British subjects and not inferior in dignity and power to that occupied by any self-governing colony. Prof Dr.D.Janaki, former Vice Chancellor welcomed the audience. Justice Party Golden Jubilee Souvenir (1968) & Dravidar 100 (2016). Sir, Alexander (then Mr.) Cardew, now a member of the Madras Executive Council, in his evidence before the Public Service Commission in 1913, described in detail, the relative positions of the Brahmins and the non-Brahmins in the Public Service of this province, not certainly as a champion of non-Brahmin interest, but with a view to show that if simultaneous examinations in England and India for admission into the Indian Civil Service, were introduced, the Brahmins, whom he characterised as a small rigidly exclusive caste would swamp that Service. It also criticised the Congress as a party of the Brahmins. twentieth century. 0000034738 00000 n mJ 6umh#-a{4ZTf`=8MYB"UT:80ItMs?L.x9R"p.$5JrV+[c"}7a}]-;uV0Y?\1e6WYxor5_K@g1[m. Also in E. F. Irschick, op. stream 0000002637 00000 n In the conference, Justice Party adopted . cit., Appendix 1. Non-Brahmin manifesto. Their political interests, therefore, (as compared with those of the Brahmins who number only about a million and a half), have materially suffered. Question Bank Solutions 6948. Periyar Footprints Of The Original 'Anti . The BJP manifesto was launched by BJP state President B.S. So that the non-Brahmin, however distinguished, has little or no chance of getting into the Senate of the Madras University through what is called the open door of election, In the election to the Imperial and local Legislative Councils and to municipal bodies one finds the same truth illustrated so far as these elections could be controlled by the rigidly exclusive caste. A non-Brahmin manifesto was issued by the then member of the legislative council P Kesava Pillai. 0000004241 00000 n 11. He called it as one "calculated to be harmful to the common causes and probably likely to promote the best interest of the classes, whom it sought to serve". Surely, in these services the preponderance of Brahmins would be still more striking. But the non-Brahmins must first help themselves, Let them do everything needful to ensure a continued educational, social, political and economical development on abroad and enduring basis; and, then, their future as British subjects will be brighter and more prosperous than it is today, What is designated as "Nation building" is a laborious task, involving, and indeed necessitating, in the slow process of evolution, the due performance, in the proper time by each class and community, of the duty it owes to itself first and foremost. While we dissociate ourselves entirely from unauthorised Indian Constitution-making, which seems to be a favourite occupation with a certain class of politicians, we must say that we are strongly in favour of progressive political development of ax well-defined policy of trust in the people, qualified by prudence, and of timely and liberal concessions in the wake of proved fitness. Not satisfied with the possession of the key to the present political position, the radical politicians of this presidency, who are apparently never as happy as when they ask for fresh political concessions, irrespective of their suitability to the existing conditions, now ask for Home Rule, and from previous experience, we fear that, if a discordant note is not sounded at the proper time, it will, of course, be made out that all India is keen about Home Rule. In which year Non-Brahmin Manifesto was released? non brahmin manifesto was issued by whom. T.Nagar is a locality in Chennai which is named after him. The manifesto was criticised by the Home rule periodical New India. Prof.P.Jagadeesan, former Vice Chancellor and Vice President of DHRC spoke on Why was Justice Party formed?. 0000010027 00000 n Art. The Brahmin monopoly was quite formidable as with only 3.2% of the population they had 72% of all graduates. Periyar felt happy in the elevation of people like me, who hail from the most backward community. When the Justice Party was in power, women were granted voting rights, and a noon-meal programme was implemented. 0000024697 00000 n We appeal to the enlightened members of the non-Brahmin communities to be up and doing, their future lies in their own hands. The Non-Brahmin Manifesto was issued by a) C.Natesan b) Pitty Theyagarayar c) T.M.Nair d)Raja of Panagal. I was dutiful to Thanthai Periyars ideology of Social Justice. Be bold at the hours of crisis without any wavering. This piece of advice-wish of Periyar still remains greenish in me. 48 . If, occasionally, a fair minded ruler endeavours to correct the inequality arising from the preponderance of Brahmins on any public body by having recourse to nominations of individuals from comparatively unrepresented interests, he is severely criticised in the Brahmin press. JavaScript seems to be disabled in your browser. In these days of organised effort, they maintain no proper organisations for protecting and promoting their common interests and for preventing professional and other politicians, with hardly any corresponding stake in the country, from posing as their accredited spokesmen, Nor have they a press of their own to speak the truth on their behalf. In this article, we first examine the issue of the power and status of the Brahmin and show how it . The columns of The Hindu, for instance, were now open to all, including panchamas, and the latter had come to enjoy 'equality and fraternity in the eyes of the law' (NI 22.8.17). In the matter of education itself, the advantage is not all on the side of the Brahmin castes, Though rather late in the field, the non-Brahmin communities have begun to move, They now represent various stages of progress, Some of them, such as the Chetti, the Komati, the Mudaliar, the Naidu and the Nayar, have been making rapid progress; and even the least advanced, like those who are ahead of them, are manfully exerting themselves to come up to the standards of the new time, The spirit of educational progress is abroad, and it is a significant circumstance that among some of the non-Brahmin communities the development is more harmonious and less one-sided than among the Brahmins. Hume, W.C. Bonnerjee, Budruddin Tayabji, S. Ramaswami Mudaliar, Rangiah Naidu, Rao Bahadur Sabhapathi Mudaliar and Sir Sankaran Nair, enlightened non-Brahmins all over the presidency gave it their hearty and loyal support. 0000013093 00000 n One, of the earliest lower caste movements, which became the torch bearer for the future caste movements, was founded in Maharashtra in the 1870s by Jyotibha Phule, who with his books Gulamgiri (1872) and Sarvajanik Satyadharma Pustak and his organisation Satya Shodhak Samaj, proclaimed the need "to save the lower castes from . :^|; )"+e.replace(/([\.$? Afterwards, they issued a "non-Brahmin" manifesto, arguing that if the British granted self-rule to Indians it would "result in the tyranny of Brahmins over others" as they, constituting just 3 per cent of population, dominated colonial professions and bureaucracy. eap%Nngh ]aRae"'Tx\{" ":b-2?suf3z&fes|RR1q)~ZCA7!Au;Sk#l6La3_ b` @ n1 Old established traditions, the position of the Brahmins as the highest and the most sacred of the Hindu castes, the nature of their ancient calling, and the steady inculcation of the belief, both by written texts and oral, teaching, that they are so many divinely-ordained intermediaries without whose active intervention and blessing the soul cannot obtain salvation, and their consequent freedom from manual toil all these helped them to adapt themselves easily to the new conditions under British Rule, as under previous epochs, in large numbers and far more successfully than the other castes and communities, Apart, however, from the question of English education, are large material stakes, traditional and inherited interests in the soil and the social prestige that goes with it, influence among the masses, quiet and peaceful occupations that tend to the steady economic development of the province, and overwhelming numerical strength itself, to count for nothing? Tamil Nadu's public institutions have been exorcised of the Brahmin ghost and are now ruled by non-brahmins and non-Dalits. 9qrA8 !0,Cx7%b1|(`JIM&c0lHb1VUaqr/GQB& >p_N}-"W_+b=_zEkb /4w. I hail from Justice Party family. described in detail the relative positions of the Brahmins and the non-Brahmins in the public Service of this Province, not definitely as cham-pion of non Brahmin interests but with a view to showing that if simultanous examinations in England and India for admission into the I.C.S. Similar results were produced by the competitive examination for the Accounts Departments. With which they are confronted. <> While felicitating, Dr.K.Veeramani proudly said, the dignitaries are the products of the labourious contributions of the Dravidian Movement. Whenever I got elevation in my career I used to come to Periyar Thidal, showed the relevant order of elevation to Periyar. In 1917, August 19, TA Ramalinga Chetty organized the conference of Justice Party in Coimbatore. 17. 0000003094 00000 n The presence of such dignitaries at the centenary celebration is emotional to us and emulative to the present generation and the posterity. They have, in the first place, to educate their boys and girls in far larger numbers than they have yet done, Associations under the responsible guidance of leading non-Brahmin gentlemen should be started and maintained in a state of efficiency, in every populous centre, not merely to induce the various non-Brahmin communities to avail themselves more freely of the existing facilities for education, and to create such facilities where they do not exist, but also to find adequate funds for the education of such of their poor but intelligent boys and girls as cannot obtain instruction without extraneous pecuniary help. 0 Further, he expressed that only with the presence of courageous Judges with conviction of equity in the higher judiciary, the advancement of the oppressed section of the population was possible. .-yww{9rsr.XdVl`p+Vx#mTBA t8BA t8Bl0}> {&MYGN(|E2_W>0|]_);QtDE'N(;Qt;1tb7 Fo7 Fo7 Fgs |a|1,!J%|B,=MS\{8.` W. One, of the earliest lower caste movements, which became the torch bearer for the future caste movements, was founded in Maharashtra in the 1870s by Jyotibha Phule, who with his books Gulamgiri (1872) and Sarvajanik Satyadharma Pustak and his organisation Satya Shodhak Samaj, proclaimed the need "to save the lower castes . They came to be challenged by educated and trading community members of the non-Brahmin castes. I have committed myself to the cause of Social Justice which is close very much to the ideology of Thanthai Periyar. Examine the origin and growth of Non-Brahmin Movement in Tamil Nadu. 10. ZaVX+: The Hon. It is curious to note that even where competitive examinations did not exist, as for instance in the Subordinate Judicial Service of the presidency, the major portion of the appointments was in the hands of the Brahmins, Sir Alexander Cardew stated that, out of 128 permanent District Munsiffs in 1913, 93 were Brahmins, 25 non-Brahmin Hindus and the rest Muhammadans, Indian Christiane, Europeans and Anglo-Indians, From these and other figures of a like nature, he naturally concluded that an open competition for the Civil Service in India would mean almost complete monopoly of the service by the Brahmin caste and the practical exclusion from it of the non-Brahmin classes. Indeed, a more vigorous educational policy for the non-Brahmins has long been over-due. 0000001477 00000 n Of course, he did not invite the attention of the Public Service Commission to what prevailed in the important Native States directly under the control of the Madras Government, where, too, the preponderance of Brahmins in the Government Service then, as now, Was not less marked, Nor did lie go into the figures relating to the subordinate services, which are recruited under a system almost wholly of patronage. ^!{X(@L1qZ';P< Sir, Alexander (then Mr.) Cardew, now a member of the Madras Executive Council, in his evidence before the Public Service Commission in 1913, described in detail, the relative positions of the Brahmins and the non-Brahmins in the Public Service of this province, not certainly as a champion of non-Brahmin interest, but with a view to show that if simultaneous examinations in England and India for admission into the Indian Civil Service, were introduced, the Brahmins, whom he characterised as a small rigidly exclusive caste would swamp that Service. 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